农地产权结构变迁视域下土地增值收益的公平分享

农地产权结构是搭建土地增值收益分配与宪法秩序有效链接的重要桥梁.从农地产权结构变迁的视角看,我国传统土地增值收益的国有化机制实际在很大程度上符合1982年宪法所确立的社会主义地租国有原则及地利共享秩序.然而,由于宪法土地条款一开始就被注入了地利分配具有倾向性的思想基因,长此以往便忽视了农民作为整体分享土地增值收益的"另一半宪法秩序".新型城镇化背景下,国家进行了"同地同权"、赋权于"民"的农村土地管理制度改革,其实质是宪法秩序的延续而非替代,我国土地增值收益分配的主要机制仍是征地补偿制度.要实现我国土地增值收益的公平分享,必须回到社会主义"国家—集体"一元论的完整地利共享秩序中来,并遵循实质平等的要求,通过以"人的城镇化"为目标对区片综合地价进行限定、采取倾向于农村及农业发展的"土地财政"政策、打破城乡户籍二元制实现城乡一体化发展等方案,推动农民全过程参与、共享土地利益.     

Feminist and empowerment theory and social work practice

Feminist and empowerment theories are especially important to the understanding of individual and sociopolitical levels of social work assessment and intervention. Incorporating feminist and empowerment approaches in practice will provide social workers with the knowledge, values and skills most likely to promote human rights and social justice. In this paper, we present an overview of both theories and illustrate them with a case example.     

Sexual agreements and intimate-partner violence among male couples

Objectives: In the United States, HIV continues to disproportionately affect men who have sex with men. One promising area of research that may inform the development of behavioral interventions among male–male couples is within the realm of sexual agreements. Methods: The purpose of our analysis was to determine whether respondents who report having an open agreement or an agreement breakage also report a higher incidence of recent (within the previous 12 months) intimate-partner violence (IPV) compared to respondents who report having a monogamous agreement or no agreement breakage after controlling for demographic variables. Results: Results showed that men who have an open agreement are less likely to report recent physical IPV. Conclusions: The results highlight the need to develop dyadic behavior interventions that address sexual agreements and stress management.     

Another Issue Comes Out: Gay Rights Policy Voting in Recent U.S. Presidential Elections

Drawing from the theory of policy voting, this study examines the impact of opinions about gay rights on voting for presidential candidates. Qualitative analysis of the major party platforms and candidate campaign rhetoric from the six presidential elections held between 1988 and 2008 indicates that Democratic and Republican presidential candidates began openly expressing opposing positions on gay rights issues in 1992. Quantitative analysis of public opinion shows that, starting in 1992 and continuing through 2008, gay rights issues became more salient to the public, and opinions about gay rights began to exert a significant effect on vote choice. The study concludes with a discussion of the partisan forces that shaped the electoral significance of gay rights issues during the period from 1988 to 2008 and speculation about the role of gay rights issues in shaping future partisan electoral strategy.     

死者人格利益法律保护之构建

死者无人格权,但死者具有人格利益。为了维护社会利益和善良风俗,我国法学界和司法实务界对死者人格利益保护也达成了共识。完善死者人格利益应在保护范围、行使主体、法律责任、免责事由及保护期限等方面给予立法规制。     

A Grounded Theory of Sexual Minority Women and Transgender Individuals’ Social Justice Activism

Psychosocial benefits of activism include increased empowerment, social connectedness, and resilience. Yet sexual minority women (SMW) and transgender individuals with multiple oppressed statuses and identities are especially prone to oppression-based experiences, even within minority activist communities. This study sought to develop an empirical model to explain the diverse meanings of social justice activism situated in SMW and transgender individuals’ social identities, values, and experiences of oppression and privilege. Using a grounded theory design, 20 SMW and transgender individuals participated in initial, follow-up, and feedback interviews. The most frequent demographic identities were queer or bisexual, White, middle-class women with advanced degrees. The results indicated that social justice activism was intensely relational, replete with multiple benefits, yet rife with experiences of oppression from within and outside of activist communities. The empirically derived model shows the complexity of SMW and transgender individuals’ experiences, meanings, and benefits of social justice activism.     

君主专制与政治抵制:早期现代英国法律语境中的《复仇者悲剧》

英国自都铎王朝后期至斯图亚特早期，立宪君主论或混合君主论者抵制君权神授论，坚持家庭是一个自治的、涉及臣民私人权益的小政府，受到自然法、古代宪法或神圣法的保护。《复仇者悲剧》中公爵王室言行映射詹姆士一世在《皇家礼物》中所宣扬的君权神授论，温迪斯兄弟俩及追随者的复仇隐含当时的政治抵制学说，公爵王室与温迪斯兄弟俩的对立象征君权神授论与普通法理论的对峙。温迪斯兄弟俩却以威胁新君为由被处死，司法斗争简约为复仇冲动，维权英雄陡变为暴徒，暴君化身为明君，这暴露出君权神授论的悖论性和剧作家含混的复仇伦理。     

Ambivalent Spaces—The Emergence of a New Gay Male Norm Situated Between Notions of the Commercial and the Political in the Swedish Gay Press, 1969–1986

Within sexual geographies, sexual struggles over urban public spaces are frequently explored. Less common is research on sexual struggles within sexually shared spaces and gay spaces. The aim of the article is to examine discursive struggles of meanings of gay male identity enacted in discussions of commodification/capitalism, disclosure, and space in Swedish gay press during 1969–1986. We trace the ambivalent feelings or the emergence of a new gay male norm situated between commercialism and non-commercialism within the Swedish gay press back to the 1970s. In the article we show how a monosexualization process was taking place in both the Swedish gay press as well as within sexual spaces. We explore rhetorical struggles between two competing discursive meanings of (ideal homonormative) male homosexuality, gay culture, and space: one wider (inclusive) and one narrower (exclusive).     

‘There Oughtta Be a Law Against Bitches’: Masculinity Lessons in Police Academy Training

This article draws on participant observation in a law enforcement academy to demonstrate how a hidden curriculum encourages aspects of hegemonic masculinity among recruits. Academy training teaches female and male recruits that masculinity is an essential requirement for the practice of policing and that women do not belong. By watching and learning from instructors and each other, male students developed a form of masculinity that (1) excluded women students and exaggerated differences between them and men; and (2) denigrated women in general. Thus, the masculinity that is characteristic of police forces and is partly responsible for women’s low representation on them is not produced exclusively on the job, but is taught in police academies as a subtext of professional socialization.